The parallels with today’s wars and their reporting are too exact to be ignored. The Crimean war was plagued by poor logistics, lack of transport, undermanning and, above all else, confused political direction.

Why were the allied forces even sent to the Crimea when, in June 1854, the casus belli disappeared with the Russian forces’ withdrawal from Moldavia and Wallachia. An allied army sat at Varna on the Black Sea ready to support the Turks in their attempts to expel Russian troops. Yet, when the Russians withdrew, a new mission was thought of and the forces descended upon Sevastopol.

One of Delane’s own quotes is illuminating: “It is no mere figure of speech and a plain matter of fact that the honour, the credit and the actual power of this country depend, to an immeasurable extent, upon the issue of the contest in the Crimea. We must remind all whom it may concern that the little band fighting for us in the East is exposed to the most serious difficulties and losses, and also the most terrible chances of war.” Could this not be a refrain in The Times today relating to British arms in either Iraq or Afghanistan?

Delane and Russell were also able to question the strategy and the competence not only of ministers but also of the brigades on the ground. The question, of course, arose whether the job that they were doing was important for public information or whether their exposure of inadequacies gave comfort to the enemy. The same argument pertains today. The media was criticised in the Falklands for too much detail about Argentinian weaponry; the same accusation was levelled in the first Gulf War. Then came the “embed” and the debates about freedom of speech. They had not thought of shackling Delane in such a way in 1854-55, but I am sure the authorities wish that they had. Delane’s War shows the power of an emergent media and needs to be looked at closely if the power of the pen is to be understood.

The above is taken from the foreword to Delane's War by Tim Coates

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