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Ian Fleming, the creator of James Bond, favoured appeasing Nazi Germany and dismissed those urging war with Hitler as “the slaughterhouse brigade” in a letter to The Times a year before the Second World War.
Historians and biographers have hitherto overlooked the letter, published on September 28, 1938, as Britain waited to hear the outcome of Neville Chamberlain’s fateful meeting with Hitler in Munich. The letter was uncovered through the Times electronic archive, which has now been made accessible to the public.
During the war Fleming became an officer in Naval Intelligence and a dedicated enemy of fascism, but in the immediate prewar period, like many Britons, he appears to have believed that a deal could still be done with Hitler to avert war.
In the letter, Fleming argued that if Hitler’s territorial ambitions were limited to the aims he outlined in 1920 – uniting a greater Germany of German peoples, repealing the Versailles treaty and obtaining further territory for the German population – then Britain should step back from war.
“There will be no peace, no return of prosperity, and no happiness in Europe until England and France agree to the fulfilment of Herr Hitler’s stated programme in exchange for a binding disarmament pact,” he wrote.
However, he added that if Germany intended to rearm for aggressive purposes – “as she did in 1914” – then Britain should prepare for war.
“If . . . it is made clear that Germany already aims once again at world domination by aggression – then it will be time to organise this country on a war-time basis and announce to Germany that we shall fight at the first act of aggression.” Like many others at the time, Fleming still held out the hope “that Herr Hitler means what he says”, and that Nazi territorial ambitions could still be contained by diplomatic negotiation.
Fleming suggested that unless Chamberlain obtained firm guarantees from Hitler, Britain would face a choice between a binding peace pact or all-out war. “It will be time to turn a reluctant ear either to the dangerous counsels of the slaughterhouse brigade or to the bemused vapourings of those who long for the day when England is another Holland and out of the fight for ever.” Fleming’s letter was published on the day that Hitler and Chamberlain met in Munich in the midst of the crisis over Sudetenland, the area of Czechoslovakia with a large minority ethnic German population that Hitler was seeking to annex. The day after the letter appeared, Chamberlain signed the Munich agreement, effectively allowing Hitler to take over Czechoslovakia’s defensive frontier, and then flew back to Britain to declare: “Peace in our time”.
In some ways, Fleming’s letter was preaching to the converted, for The Times was strongly in favour of appeasement – perhaps the most misguided editorial stance in the newspaper’s history. Three weeks before Fleming’s letter appeared, the paper ran a leading article suggesting that Czechoslovakia simply cede territory to Germany. The editor at the time, Geoffrey Dawson, was determined to maintain peace.
Intriguingly, Peter Fleming, Ian’s brother, was then working as an editorial writer at The Times, contributing leaders on the Munich crisis under Dawson’s editorship. Like his brother, Peter would go on to become a highly successful intelligence officer.
The following March, six months after Fleming’s letter appeared, Germany seized the rest of Czechoslovakia, setting in motion the chain of events that would propel Britain, and the Flemings, into war.
Andrew Lycett, Ian Fleming’s biographer, described the letter as “an interesting study in political compromise”. Lycett said: “It has aspects of what we now know as appeasement. Conceding that Hitler should be allowed his demands over the German peoples in Czechoslovakia, but adamant that Hitler should be told: thus far, and no further.” Lycett points out that although Fleming was something of a Germanophile, having spent part of his youth and education in Germany, his family was also closely linked to Winston Churchill, the most vigorous opponent of appeasement.
Churchill wrote the Times obituary of Fleming’s father, who died in the trenches in 1917. A framed copy remained on Ian Fleming’s desk throughout his life.
David Cannadine, Professor of British History at the University of London Institute of Historical Research, pointed out that Fleming’s views were not exceptional for the 1930s: “Very few people wanted to go to war in 1938, especially those who had lost relatives in the first war, as Fleming had.”
At the time the letter was written in 1938, Fleming was a bachelor of 30 living in London after trying his hand, with limited success, at stockbroking, banking and journalism. By pure coincidence, his flat in Ebury Street had previously been the home of Sir Oswald Mosley, the British Fascist leader.
There was no doubting Fleming’s dedication to the war effort once the conflict was under way, nor the vehemence of his hatred for Nazism.
Many of Fleming’s villains have German names, and many have Nazi pasts: for example, Hugo Drax in Moonraker is really the former Nazi officer Graf Hugo von der Drache, while his aide de camp is Willy Krebs (Hans Krebs was Hitler’s army chief of staff). Ernst Stavro Blofeld, we are told, spied for the Nazis, while Le Chiffre in Casino Royale is found in a misplaced persons camp in Dachau at the end of the war, suffering from amnesia.
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Had there been a less humilitating peace for Germany in 1919, Hitler wouldn't have been able to become the political figure that he became. Fascism is also not only a German or Italian problem; each European country had its fascists. As a visit at the Caen museum of the Normandy campaign shows.
FREDERIC , Tallinn, Estonia
Britain's decision to go to war with Germany was a disaster for Britain - she lost all her colonies & was immersed in a mountain of debt as a result. Most the Nazis (read David Irivng) did not want war with Britain & couldn't understand Britain's lust for war as she would gain nothing from it
James Scott, New York, USA
Jon Livesey, USA: Germans in the "First"Czechoslovak Republic enjoyed liberties, rights and chances for democratic life many minorities could never dream of. Full representation in public affairs, education system in German including universities. But many preferred to vote for Henlein and Nazism.
Pavlina Kupova, Prague, Czech Republic
Hitler's demands for 'Lebensraum' was a much to do with economics as politics. Hitler pauperised Germany to rebuild it. To bail out Germany he needed the resources of his neighbours. Had Hitler been contained without a world war the Third Reich would have collapsed under a mountain of debt anyway.
John Walter, Bonn, germany
The effect of the Sudetenland takeover was that the Germans had crossed a highly-defensible border onto the plains, making Czechslovakia's defence impossible. The Skoda works provide about 40% of the tanks which attacked the British on the French coast. The appeasers underestimated the consequences.
Faustino, Brisbane, Australia
PS: and I spent part of my infancy in a backyard bomb shelter in Coventry, the first town to be "blitzed."
Faustino, Brisbane, Australia
I wonder, then, what would have happened if the Sedetenlanders had been allowed to vote on the subject? Unfortunately, I've noticed that allowing your people to vote for seccession almost never occurs to politicians--even otherwise-democratic ones:P
Michael, Pueblo, Colorado, US
Why is it when someone is against something regardless of why they are they automatically become a 'ophile. His dad died in the trenches what was he supposed to do, praise Germany?
Most of the world wanted peace but the seeds for WWII were already sown.
Tom, Leeper, U.S. of A.
Mr Hasenbein, If Hitler had been stopped earlier, imagine how many people might have been spared the gas chambers. That's a bit more important than Dresden's architecture, I think.
Mitchell Owens, Brooklyn, USA
Peter Hasenbein, Koblenz, Germany. We may have bombed Dresden, but what of Coventry, London and the Blitz? And why can you not stop yourselves?
Rob, Singapore,
It is often forgotten that in 1918 Germans outside Germany were denied self-determination. Had they been allowed a vote, it is likely that Germans in Austria, the Sudetenland and Danzig would have voted to join Germany. This perceived injustice explains much 1936-8 support for Hitler's program.
jon livesey, Sunnyvale, CA/USA
Would Britain only have stopped Hitler earlier. Then we would still be able to admire Dresden.
Peter Hasenbein, Koblenz, Germany