Anthony Fletcher
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Germaine Greer
SHAKESPEARE’S WIFE
406pp. Bloomsbury. £20.
978 7475 9019 4
It is remarkable how private a man Shakespeare was. We have no letters of his or of his wife’s; there are no terms of endearment in his will or elsewhere. The plays contain much about courtship and dysfunctional marriage but nothing substantial about functioning marriage. Literary scholars have struggled to make what they can of the few pieces of documentation that survive about Shakespeare’s married life with Ann Hathaway. Their intellectual world and the world of social history (which can illuminate the conditions of the Shakespeares’ life together, if not its inner meaning) have long been kept distinct. Germaine Greer wants to bring these two worlds together.
Her project, bravely undertaken, is to challenge the disparagement she says that biographers have heaped on Ann Shakespeare for more than 200 years, and Greer is as tireless in pursuing historical archive material as she has been in her previous early modern researches. Seeking to provide a convincing and coherent account of the Shakespeares’ marriage, using much intuition and inference, she tells her story chronologically, beginning with the local standing of the two families, respectively from Stratford-upon-Avon and the nearby village of Shottery, the courtship in 1582 and the birth of three children, Susanna, and the twins Hamnet and Judith, by 1585. Greer closes with William’s death in 1616. Her style is confident, arresting, at times bombastic. “All this is probably neither truer nor less true than the accepted prejudice”, she writes on the final page, in one of many disarming sentences in a book which often seeks to disarm by its sheer verve. In spite of that disclaimer, we are given a ringing declaration to end with: “there can be no doubt that Shakespeare neglected his wife, embarrassed her and even humiliated her”. Yet, in terms of the meagre historical record, there is considerable doubt about whether he did any of these things.
Much of Shakespeare’s Wife is closely observed, vivid and fully documented local history, describing life in Stratford. From 1594 to 1597, as Greer shows, serious disorder threatened the town, because three catastrophic harvest failures in a row coincided with two disastrous fires, which destroyed 120 houses and cast 400 more people than usual on the poor rates and neighbourly support. A Corporation petition begging exemption from a national prohibition on malt making, to ensure that grain reached the markets and prices were controlled, needs more context than Greer gives it here. The county of South Warwickshire was a land of mixed husbandry. The historian Joan Thirsk has shown how the arable crops of the district, barley, wheat and peas, were used mainly to fatten cattle and pigs, while sheep were folded on the much-treasured common fields. Stratford’s highly specialized economy made it susceptible to the scarcities which could follow sudden price inflation. The town had “no other special trade” but malting, the Corporation’s petition pleaded, which its citizens had lived by “time beyond man’s memory”. The Stratford families Greer writes of, like the Quineys and the Sadlers, were those with whom the Shakespeares undoubtedly had dealings, but the kind of terms they were on are often intractably obscure in the unyielding papers that she uses.
Her picture of the bustling market town, where Mary Arden came from nearby Wilmcote to live on her marriage to William’s father John Shakespeare, is colourful. But Greer draws too sharp a contrast with life in the villages around Stratford. Tudor market towns were part of the countryside. Cows were milked there; butter, cheese and eggs would not, as she suggests, have been brought to Mary but purchased after a few minutes’ walk to the marketplace; Greer is not right about there being bakeries in every street: most families still had their own bread oven.
The author mixes literary and historical evidence throughout her account. The plays themselves, and situations in them, are drawn on by allusion to allow her to speculate about the Shakespeares’ marriage when, as so often, the historical record proves deficient. She is combative towards other literary scholars, but essentially her book is built on three kinds of historical material: the Stratford Borough records, which she has mined very thoroughly; contemporary medical, religious and social tracts; and the recent secondary literature. Exploiting the ballad literature about youth makes sense. The argument that there was nothing unusual in Ann being unmarried at twenty-six when she and William, then aged eighteen, apparently met is sound enough. At the same time, girls this far beyond puberty were believed to be greensick, that is longing for fulfilment of the role allotted to them in God’s scheme of things, of conception and motherhood. In the poem “Coridon’s Song”, from the miscellany Englands Helicon (1600/1614), a lovesick maid, with “a longing tooth that makes me cry”, spies a young man who might cure her wound. Greer cites this as well as the ballad “I can, I will no longer lie alone”. She might have explained their significance in terms of the contemporary understanding of young womanhood.
The treatment of the issue of whether Ann was fully literate nicely illustrates Greer’s method. She cites three social historians and two Elizabethan commentators to make her case that, in a staunchly Protestant family, Ann would have been taught to read. Greer’s reminder that ballad singers, like Autolycus in The Winter’s Tale, gathered crowds who bought as well as listened to ballads is apt, but the assertion that these ballad sellers were themselves often women is controverted by Margaret Spufford’s work on petty chapmen, which Greer appears to have missed. Certainly many more women could read than write fluently at this time, though Greer surely exaggerates when she states that most of the people, men and women, who could read were unable to write. She triumphantly produces two women in the play Westward Hoe who were taught to write; she refers to Malvolio’s account of Olivia’s writing skills in Twelfth Night; then she suggests, as the denouement of this chapter, that the grammar schoolboy William used the mystery of writing as a courtship stratagem to win his Ann. “Obviously teaching a woman to write”, Greer claims, “is sexy.”
Greer’s book is not persuasive because it is too opinionated. Almost all the way through, Ann’s perfection as a wife is contrasted with William’s inadequacies. Greer only relents in the moving vignette she presents of the death and burial of Hamnet, at the age of eleven, in 1596, when she supposes that both parents suffered from searing grief. The suggestion is in line with everything we know about parental feelings in this period about the loss of children between infancy and adolescence. Ralph Josselin, not many years later, poured out his grief in his celebrated diary when children of his died.
It is unfortunate that Greer so constantly overstates her case, declaring for instance that the Shakespeares “seem to have lived most of their married life apart, unable even to communicate with each other”. This is perverse. She admits that we do not know where Shakespeare was, for some time after his twins were christened in 1585. She is right that it was not acceptable in this society for a man to live apart from his wife, but there was nothing unusual about a man making his way in the world and coming home at intervals. It is a pity that she makes nothing of the famous attack on Shakespeare by his fellow dramatist Robert Greene, from which it is clear that, by 1592, Shakespeare was well established in the London theatrical world. He had presumably by then begun to earn money, which he sent or brought home. The really problematic “lost years” that Shakespeare scholars worry so much about are actually seven in all, in a marriage of nearly thirty-four.
Greer’s weak account of Shakespeare’s London career seeks to minimize his earnings, which, with his long association with the Lord Chamberlain’s Men from 1594, clearly soon became substantial. In 1597, he bought New Place, reputedly the second largest house in Stratford. Thereafter there is no evidence of much commitment to his living, though we sometimes know where he lodged, in London. From 1597 until his death in 1616, Shakespeare was a very visible and it seems much-respected member of the Stratford community, investing substantially in property there: £320 paid for 107 acres in Old Stratford and £440 for a share of the local tithes. Ann, as Greer argues convincingly from the listing of Shakespeare as a major holder of malt, had probably become a competent housewife, who brewed and perhaps sold ale, raised pigs on the spent malt, cured her own bacon and baked her bread. Greer says that New Place was tumbledown and that it was Ann who restored it. She also wants us to believe, although there is no evidence for this, that – a stalwart substitute for a wastrel husband – it was Ann who provided for her children out of earnings from the local textile industry. It is plausible that this marriage was an effective partnership, but the notion that Ann earned sufficient to buy property or land herself is far-fetched.
Greer’s denigration of Shakespeare reflects her constant drive to bring his wife to life. It is at its most striking when it comes to his death and burial. Greer seeks to dismiss the sensible suggestion that in his will the playwright expected Ann to be cared for through her dower right, beside receiving the celebrated “second best bed”. Greer is reluctant to accord Shakespeare any standing and repute in Stratford, presumably because this would detract from her argument that his wife had always carried the family burdens, while he was being unfaithful to her in London. When Greer comes to Shakespeare’s tomb in Holy Trinity, she cites David Cressy’s work on burial customs yet ignores his point that the cost of burial inside a church usually indicates family wealth and considerable local status. John and Susanna Hall, whom we might wish to see by this time as the caring daughter and son-in-law, achieve no such standing in Greer’s account. The learned Hall indeed, with his medical knowledge, proves ripe for the slur that he managed the well-known doggerel on Shakespeare’s monument, in order to ensure that exhumation of his bones would not reveal to the world the lesions which would prove that the playwright died of terminal syphilis.
Greer’s jaunty style does not conceal the hollowness of much of her analysis. We learn a lot about life in Stratford between 1580 and 1616 from this book, but we come no nearer to unlocking the secret of the private life of William and Ann Shakespeare.
Anthony Fletcher is Emeritus Professor of English Social History, University of London. He is the author of Gender, Sex and Subordination in England 1500-1800, which was first published in 1995.
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